The Lima Inquisition and Book Censorship, 1570-1820:
Study and Annotated Bibliography
By Pedro Guibovich
Vigilance over the dissemination of forbidden books was one of the most important tasks of the American inquisitorial tribunals. The means that the Inquisition of Lima practised in order to accomplish this task were the same as in Spain. However, their results were far from their purposes. The aim of this text is to comment on the means by which the Inquisition of Lima tried to control the circulation of forbidden books as well as to describe factors which restricted inquisitorial censorship in the Peruvian viceroyalty between 1570 and 1820.
The establishment of the Inquisition in Peru in 1568 was part of a colonial political design by Philip II at the end of 1560, and its purpose was to deal mainly with the political and ideological crisis in the Peruvian viceroyalty. During the decade of 1560, religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants increased in Europe. By then, Protestantism had achieved notorious advances in regions like France and Scotland, and Geneva became the main centre for the spread of Calvinist ideas. The Spanish authorities were not only worried about the religious situation in Europe, but also in America. The possibility that America could be invaded with ideas from protestant countries was considered a permanent threat. The inquisitorial documentation clearly reflects this preoccupation during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
In Peru, the situation was not totally under control. Guillermo Lohmann pointed out that the decade of 1560 was a period of deep criticism toward colonial policy in the Peruvian viceroyalty. By then many aspects of the colonial reality had been analysed and criticised not only by friars but also by jurists and bureaucrats. Also, during this period, Bartolome de Las Casas had, like few other writers, a great influence on colonial clergy. In Peru and Mexico Las Casas's ideas were spread by Dominican friars and other men of letters. In Peru the Dominicans Tomas de San Martin and Domingo de Santo Tomas took on the defence of the Indians and their rights. In the middle of the sixteenth century, several writers criticised the moral situation of the regular and secular clergy in the viceroyalty. According to some ecclesiastical writers, not only was the clergy corrupted but so was colonial society.
For statesmen and ecclesiastics, the Peruvian viceroyalty not only had moral problems but also economic and political problems; the decline of the Indian labour force, the decrease of Indian tributes and mining production, the deterioration of state authority, etc. In 1568, at a meeting in Madrid, all these problems were analysed. That year, under the direction of the King and other famous statesmen, colonial problems were discussed and several agreements were taken in order to re-establish authority and control in the Peruvian territory. The agents of the new colonial policy designed by Philip II and the Junta of 1568 were Francisco de Toledo and the inquisitors. The sphere of action of Toledo was policy, economy and society; the inquisitors had as a main task the ideological and moral control of colonial society.
Controlling the diffusion of unorthodox ideas among the members of colonial society meant avoiding the diffusion of books considered forbidden or ideologically dangerous. How should this attitude toward the book be understood? The invention of the printing press was celebrated by European humanists. The new invention allowed the reproduction of books and diffusion of ideas. It was during the Protestant Reformation that the printing press acquired a very important role in the diffusion of ideas. Reformers like Luther, Calvin, and Bucer used the printing press as their main means of discussion and debate.
In Spain and other catholic monarchies, the fear of the diffusion of heresy determined the creation of mechanisms of control over books. According to some authors, the book was as dangerous as a "mute heretic." There were two kinds of censorship of books: one under control of the State and another practised by the Inquisition. In order to establish control, the Spanish state was the only institution that gave authorisation for publishing books.
From the middle of the sixteenth century inquisitorial censorship had more importance than state censorship. The Inquisition had to control the importation of books by institutions and persons. Periodically, the Holy Office sent its officers to ports to examine ships and luggage. Also the officers' Inquisition practised visits to libraries and bookstores, inspecting presses, and publishing edicts and catalogues. When the Inquisition was established in Peru, this system of control over books already had been in existence for more than one decade in Spain.
The oldest measure concerning control over circulation of books by the Inquisition of Lima, is in the instructions given by cardinal Espinosa to inquisitors of Peru in 1569. The cardinal gave these rules to follow in order to control entry of forbidden books by ports as well as the diffusion of them among viceroyalty population:
You will be very careful in publishing the bans of the bibles and the catalogue of the censored books that you have received, and in collecting all of the ones included in it, decreeing that in the seaports the commissaries be very careful in seeing and examining the books introduced to these provinces so that none of the censored ones shall enter; ordering to the said commissaries that they often inform us regarding this matter because being this affair of the quality and substance it is, it will be imperative that in its compliance and execution there be full observance so that by this means no wrongful doctrine shall enter to those kingdoms, proceeding with severity and wariness against those found guilty.
Besides port commissaries, there was another group of persons who had as a main task doctrinally to evaluate the defendant's propositions or those unorthodox ideas found in books or manuscript texts: these men were called calificadores (qualifiers). The opinions of these calificadores were more important because from these the Council of the Supreme and General Inquisition in Madrid (or Council of the Supreme Inquisition) elaborated their own opinions and provided necessary measures to avoid the diffusion of ideas considered heretical.
During the last decades of the sixteenth century, the Council of the Supreme Inquisition in Madrid sent to the inquisitors of Peru several letters warning of the danger of the diffusion of forbidden books. By then there was a belief that the Protestants, with the aid of some Spaniards, constantly threatened the orthodoxy of the Catholic faith among the population. In order to spread their ideas, according to Spanish inquisitors, the Protestants used audacity and imagination. In 1581, the Council of the Supreme Inquisition wrote to the inquisitors of Lima that the King had received news that the Spanish inspector of foreign ships did not do his task in an appropriate way to discover heretical books on board these ships. The Council of the Supreme Inquisition recommended special attention be paid to sailor's beds and chests where books were usually hidden.
Furthermore, denunciation of books was encouraged by the Tribunal by means of the annual reading of the Edict of Faith. In this document believers were compelled, under threat of excommunication, to denounce those that
have had and have books of the sect and opinions of the said Martin Luther and his followers or the Koran and other books of the sect of Mahomet or bibles in romance or any other books of the ones reproved by the censorship and catalogues decreed and published by the Holy Office of the Inquisition.
Another measure of control was the inspection over the purchase and distribution of books. A Carta acordada of 1605 ordered inquisitors of Lima to request from booksellers an inventory of their books. The name of author, printer, date and place of printing, and number of volumes of work had to be registered in the document. These inventories had to be examined by censors and other persons selected by the Holy Office, who could suggest collection of those books considered ideologically dangerous. In the same Letter, the Council of the Supreme Inquisition noted that when the merchants, printers, and booksellers received new books they had to add them to the inventory and show them to the Tribunal. Also, when they sold books they had to note in those inventories who the buyers were.
In 1627, by means of an another Carta acordada. the Council of the Supreme Inquisition ordered the inquisitors of Lima to notify the Lima booksellers that when they were called to place values on libraries, they had to separate all forbidden books and give a list of them to inquisitors.
Private and institutional libraries were to be examined by officials of the Holy Office. In 1619 the Lima inquisitors received from the Council of the Supreme Inquisition an order for visiting libraries of the city.
Indexes of forbidden books were another means of control. They appeared in order to avoid the diffusion of Protestant literature. The first Indexes were published at the beginning of the sixteenth century by order of Roman ecclesiastical authorities. Then during the development of Protestant reform, some Catholic universities encouraged the publication of Indexes. In Spain, the publishing of Indexes was always associated with inquisitorial action. Indexes contained long lists of works considered heretical or ideologically dangerous by Catholic theologians. Luther, Melanchton. Calvin, and Ecolampadio, among others, were recognised like "heretical damnatus" in these kinds of texts. In addition to the Indexes, there were Catalogos Expurgatorios (Expurgatory Catalogues) that did not forbid works but rather sentences or parts within certain works.
During its first decades, the main problem of the Tribunal of Lima was lack of officials. This situation was in part a product of the requirements needed to be a member of the Holy Office. If a person wanted to be an official, he had to carry out an informaciones de limpieza de sangre in Spain in order to demonstrate that he did not have any Jews, Moors, or persons convicted by the Inquisition among his ancestors. The informaciones were long and expensive. Because of the Lima inquisitors need to have officials, they did not respect the rule and gave appointments as temporary ministers to some people.
Another problem was the lack of economic resources. During the sixteenth century the Crown economically supported, at least in part, the Tribunal of Lima. A royal decree of 1569 ordered that state officials give 10,000 pesos to the Inquisition for paying the salaries of inquisitors, prosecutors, and secretaries. The rest of the Tribunal's expenses had to be covered by selling confiscated goods. The inquisitor Cristobal de Bustamante in a letter to the Council of the Supreme Inquisition, dated in 1572, stated that six months before, by order of the inquisitors, he went to the port of Callao with a familiar, to inspect ships from Panama and Mexico. In this task, according to him, one had much work without help because there were not enough resources, Bustamante was a notary of confiscations and in his letter he protested that visiting ships was not his duty.
Lack of calificadores was another problem in the Peruvian Inquisition in the sixteenth century. In 1587 the inquisitors Antonio Gutierrez de UTIoa and Juan Ruiz de Prado said that in the Holy Office there were only two calificadores. Seven years later, the inquisitor Pedro Ordonez expressed the same complaints. According to him, the Tribunal of Lima had only two calificadores, the Jesuits Juan Sebastian and Esteban de Avila. But since Sebastian was always visiting the Jesuit province, it was necessary to appoint another one or two more to decide when there were different opinions. Also, the inquisitor wanted three or four calificadores to examine serious cases.
As previously stated, Indexes and Expurgators were important tools in the censorship. However, the Tribunal of Lima almost never had enough copies of Indexes and Expurgators. In 1575, the inquisitors Servando de Cerezuela and Antonio Gutierrez de UTIoa reported to the Council of the Supreme Inquisition that in order for the port commissaries to have enough Indexes and Expurgators, it was necessary to send three or four dozen of such texts. They said that to reprint them in Peru was impossible because of the high cost.
During the seventeenth century, the Council of the Supreme Inquisition published four Indexes-Expurgators (1612, 1614, 1632 and 1640). But the majority of these texts had a sparse diffusion in Peru. Regarding the Index of 1632, in 1634 the inquisitors said that they had not known about the publication of such a text until some of them appeared among Lima booksellers. According to their version, one Saturday a Jesuit told them that he had a box with Indexes for the Inquisition.
Not only did they have problems in the distribution of Indexes and Expurgators, but also some confusion about when the inquisitors had to publish them. In 1645 the inquisitors said that they had not published the Edict which authorised the Index of 1640 because they had not received any order from the Council of the Supreme Inquisition.
Interruption of publication of the Edict of Faith was another problem which hindered book censorship. Between 1646 and 1654, it was not possible to read the Edict of Faith because of ceremonial conflict between the Tribunal and the City Council. The latter wanted to have preeminence over the Tribunal in public ceremonies. In the second half of the seventeenth century another ceremonial conflict between the Tribunal and the Cathedral Chapter produced interruption in the promulgation of the Edict from 1669 to 1680.
Also alterations in communications between Spain and America could influence inquisitorial activity. In the colonial period the communication system was subject to many vicissitudes. Storms, pirate attacks, and shipwrecks interfered with relationships on both sides of the Atlantic, and produced administrative problems in colonial institutions. As a consequence of pirate attacks in 1624 and 1625, the inquisitorial correspondence sent from Spain never arrived in Lima. In 1673, the inquisitors requested copies of Cartas acordadas from the Council of the Supreme Inquisition because many of them had been lost. One year after, in 1674, the inquisitors requested new copies of Cartas acordadas and if necessary, they offered to pay a copyist. In 1688, the Peruvian inquisitors made a similar request because three boxes with letters had arrived totally rotted. Finally, the inquisitor Francisco Valera, in 1693, expressed his discouragement about the problems produced by the loss of correspondence as a consequence of a pirate attack. According to him, the Tribunal had not received documentation from the Council of the Supreme Inquisition since 1690.
Geography also imposed limitations on inquisitorial work. When in 1569 the Inquisition was established in Peru, the Tribunal's district ranged from Panama to Chile and Rio de La Plata. The district under inquisitors' authority coincided with Peruvian viceroyalty territory; this situation remained until 1610, when the Tribunal of Inquisition in Cartagena de Indies was created. In spite of the creation of the Tribunal of Cartagena of Indies at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Tribunal of Lima's district was large. Indeed, the Council of the Supreme Inquisition did not have an exact idea about American geographical reality. In 1661 the Supreme ordered that all port commissaries had to send confiscated forbidden books and manuscripts to Lima. According to its order, the Receiver of the Inquisition had to pay for them. But in another letter written in 1662, the inquisitors Cristobal de Castilla y Zamora and Alvaro de Ibarra said that they tried to do "what was possible" since that district was large, distances were extensive, and the inquisitorial Hacienda could not pay for everything. They said commissaries who lived near Lima usually sent books to the Tribunal but others had problems doing the same since they lived far from the capital of the viceroyalty.
The Tribunal of Lima not only had economic, institutional, and administrative difficulties, but also internal personal problems. Inquisitorial documentation shows us an institution beset with many personal conflicts. Inquisitors, prosecutors, notaries, secretaries, commissaries and other ministers fought among themselves for economic and political reasons. They seemed like men interested in their own matters, which prevailed over the Tribunal's interests.
Indeed, the factors described above influenced inquisitorial activity, in particular its censorship of books. Some evidence seems to demonstrate that control measures were not effective enough to avoid the diffusion of forbidden books and manuscripts. During the seventeenth century, Lima, "The City of the Kings", was the most important commercial center in South America. Writers like Pedro de Leon Portocarrero, the Jesuit Bernabe Cobo and the friar Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa left us testimonies on the population and the commerce in the capital of the Peruvian viceroyalty. The Viceroy, the Audiencia, the Archbishop, the Provincials of religious orders, and other civil and religious authorities lived there. This situation attracted intellectuals, artisans, merchants, painters, sculptors, architects, musicians, adventurers, printers, and booksellers. From the end of the sixteenth century, Lima was the most important market of books in South America. From Lima books were sent to Chile and Upper Peru. By the middle of the seventeenth century, almost a dozen booksellers worked in Lima. There it was possible to find many books printed in Europe. The private and conventual libraries were rich and large. Because Lima was a very important market of books it was difficult to adequately censor it, the control of the diffusion of forbidden books was not always possible for the Inquisition.
In 1652, the Franciscan Juan Valero, who was one of the ca1ificadores of the Tribunal of Lima, denounced that the district of that Inquisition had not been visited since 1626 and that forbidden books circulated in Lima. After receiving information from Valero, in 1653 the Council of the Supreme Inquisition ordered inspection of private and conventual libraries in Lima and other cities of the Peruvian viceroyalty. The task was the responsibility of qualifiers, who had to confiscate forbidden books as well as those which required expurgation, and to store them at the secreto of the Tribunal. Also, qualifiers had to do an inventory of collected books with the owners' names, in order to return them to their owners after they had "corrected" them. To expurgate books, qualifiers had to use the Expurgatory of 1640. But a year later, the inquisitors told the Council of the Supreme Inquisition that they had received its order and appointed as a visitor of libraries in Lima the Augustinian friar Fernando de Valverde, who was qualifier of the Tribunal. For inspection of conventual libraries, friars of each order would be appointed. But, at the same time, they complained that they had only one copy of the Expurgator of 1640, and that they needed many copies in order to deliver them among convents and provincial commissaries.
Between 1569 and 1700, the Inquisition did not prosecute readers of forbidden books. This situation was strange, moreover, in a city where it was possible to find almost any kind of text. The lack of trials can be attributed to the weaknesses of the inquisitorial control system.
During most of the Eighteenth century, the censorial activity of the Peruvian Inquisition became a routine practice. However, in the last quarter of that century that situation changed because of the French Revolution, The new ideas from the French Enlightenment were considered dangerous for the social and religious order by the Spanish Crown. In order to avoid the spreading of the new ideas, the State commissioned particularly the Holy Office to reinforce the censorship system as well as punish the readers of forbidden books. Between 1789 and 1820, the inspection of books in commerce and sea ports was more effective, and many forbidden books were confiscated. In the same period, intellectuals like Jose Baquijano y Carn'llo, Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, and Hipolito Unanue had to face inquisitorial proceeding for reading works written by Rosseau, Voltaire, Montesquieu and other "French Philosophers". However, in spite of having State support, inquisitorial censorship proved not to be effective.
Like other inquisitorial tribunals in Spain, the Holy Office in Peru had among its duties control over the diffusion of forbidden books. However lack of officials and qualifiers, economic resources, and enough Indexes and Expurgators; the interruption in the publication of Edicts of the Faith; the alterations in communications between Spain and the Peruvian viceroyalty; the difficult American geography; and the internal personal conflicts in the Tribunal caused problems in the control over the diffusion of forbidden books between 1569 and 1820. In spite of the Tribunal's efforts, unorthodox 1iterature was known among colonial society.
An Annotated Bibliography
A general study on the inquisitorial censorship of books in Colonial Peru needs to be done given the existing ideas about the role of the Inquisition. Nineteenth century Peruvian historians held that the Inquisition was the most pernicious institution of the colonial world and one that tended to make that colonial world backward and isolated from all the important currents in Western European thought. Thus Mariano Felipe Paz Soldan (1868) attributed the customs controls of the "infernal" Inquisition to the scarce circulation of Enlightenment literature in the Peruvian viceroyalty. In 1894 Javier Prado held a similar thesis about the powerful negative impact of the Holy Office. In the same line of thinking, there are two twenty century authors, Felipe Barreda y Laos (1909) and Luis Alberto Sanchez (1973), whose emphasised the repressive character of the Holy Office on intellectuals.
It was only in the 1930s that one of the aspects of the Black Legend on the colonial culture, the non-existence of forbidden books, was questioned by Jose Torre Revello (1940) and Irving Leonard (1992). As historians and literary critics, both authors were interested in studying the dissemination of books in the colonial period. From their researches in American and Spanish archives, they demonstrated that, for example, many chivalry novels, explicitly a forbidden genre, crossed the Atlantic and circulated in Colonial America from an early time of Spanish colonisation.
As Torre Revello and Leonard, Jose Toribio Medina (1887, 1890, 1899, 1914) was a great researcher of colonial literature. In order to collect information to reconstruct the literary history of colonial Chile, Medina began to study the documentation of the American Inquisition. He built a history of the Holy Office from a gloss of documents. With the Chilean historian, modern historiography on the institution was born. In his work, the subject of censorship for the late eighteenth century is dealt with thoroughly. In this way, Medina responded to a particular concern of the historians of his generation, interested in demonstrating the spreading of Enlightenment literature in the sunset of the colonial regime. This literature provided the ideological and doctrinaire elements of the American revolution. In that cultural context, the flow of revolutionary texts could not be stopped by inquisitorial controls.
With his study of the inquisitorial censorship in the late colonial period, Medina inaugurated a new research trend valid until today. Indication of that perspective is seen by the number of studies dedicated to that age. For example, on the period of Bourbon Reforms we find valuable information in the works of Lea (1908) and Lewin (1967). A good work of synthesis has been written by Millar (1984), which analyses the trials of forbidden book readers. Among those readers were Jose Baquijano y CarriTIo and Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, whose proceedings have been studied by Marticorena (1951), Burkholder (1980), and Lohmann (1950). As there were offenders, there were also collaborators as in the case of Hipolito Unanue; the accidental relationship between the famous Peruvian intellectual and the Tribunal has been studied by Guibovich (1988).
In comparison to the bibliography of the late colonial period, the studies on the censorship during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are scarce. For the initial period of functioning of the Tribunal, there is an essay dedicated to the Augustinian censor (or calificador) Juan de Almaraz by Guibovich (1989a). Concerned with the seventeenth century, there are two essays: one dedicated to the proceeding of the Augustinian Bartolome Badillo by Guibovich (1989) and another on the prohibition of Pedro Mexia de Ovando's La Ovandina by Rodriguez Monino (1959).
BARREDA Y LAOS, Felipe
1909 Vida intelectual de la colonia (Educacion, Filosofia y Ciencias). Ensayo Historico critico. Lima; Imprenta "La Industria".
Written as doctoral thesis for San Marcos University, this text was the first survey on the intellectual culture in colonial Peru. Its perspective of analysis is strongly influenced by the Black Legend on the colonial period, predominant trend in the Peruvian scholarly milieu at the beginning of the XXth century.
1980 Politics of a Colonial Career. Jose Baquijano and the Audiencia of Lima. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.
GUIBOVICH PEREZ, Pedro
1988 "Unanue y la Inquisicion de Lima", Historica (Lima), XII-1, July, p.49-59.
1989 "Inquisicion y control ideologico; el Sermon de fray Bartolome Badillo sobre los teologos del Peru (1624)", Revista Teologica Limense (Lima), 3, p.296-303.
1989a "Fray Juan de Almaraz, calificador de la Inquisicion de Lima (siglo XVI)", Cuadernos para la historia de 1a evangelizacion en America Latina (Cuzco), 4, p.31-44.
LEA, Henry Charles
1908 The Inquisition in the Spanish dependencies: Sicily, Naples, Sardinia, Milan, The Canarias, Mexico, Peru, New Granada. New York; The Macmillan Co.
General work on the Holy Office tribunals of the Spanish monarchy. The chapter dedicated to Lima Tribunal is really excellent. To write his work, Lea consulted Medina's books and many sources from the Archive Nacional, in Lima, Peru, and the Archive General de Simancas, in Spain. The author particularly focuses on the book censorship in the late colonial period.
LEONARD, Irving A.
1992 Books of the Brave: being an account of books and of men in the Spanish Conquest and the settlement of the sixteenth-century New World. Ed. by Rolela Adorno. Berkeley: University of California Press.
1967 La Inquisicion en Hispanoamerica: judios, protestantes y patriotas. Buenos Aires: Paidos.
Levin is author of different polemical essays on the activity of the Holy Office in colonial South America. In this text, the author not only studies the inquisitorial book censorship in the late colonial period but also reproduces valuable documents from Argentine archives.
1950 "Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre y la Inquisicion de Lima. Notas sobre la evolucion de las ideas politicas en el virreinato peruano a principios del siglo XIX", Mar del Sur (Lima), 18, July-August, p.104-113.
1951 "La proscripcion del 'Elogio' de Baquijano y Carrillo", Mar del Sur (Lima), 18, p.95-101.
MEDINA, Jose Toribio
1887 Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820). Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Gutemberg, 2v.
1890 Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile. Santiago de Chile: Imp. Ercilla, 2v.
1899 El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de 1a Inquisicion en 1as provincias del Rio de 1a Plata. Santiago de Chile: Imp Elzeviriana.
1899 Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de 1a Inquisicion de Cartagena de 1as Indias. Santiago de Chile: Imp. Elzeviriana,
1914 La Primitiva Inquisicion americana. Santiago de Chile: Imp. Elzeviriana.
1984 "La Inquisicion de Lima y la circulacion de libros prohibidos (1700-1820)", Revista de Indias (Madrid), 174, p.415-444.
1863 Anales de 1a Inquisicion de Lima (Estudio Historico). Lima: Tip. de Aurelio Alfaro.
To write this work, Palma consulted numerous manuscripts, and prints in Lima archives and libraries. The Anales is a literary text. Palma himself considered it as another of his "tradiciones", a fictional recreation of the colonial period.
PICON SALAS, Mario
1962 A Cultural History of Spanish America from Conquest to Independence. Berkeley; University of California Press.
PRADO UGARTECHE, Javier
 1941 El estado social del Peru durante la dominacion espanola (Estudio Historico-sociologico). Lima: Imprenta Gil.
This text was the discourse pronounced by Prado in 1889 at the beginning of the academic year at San Marcos University. It is the most outstanding sample of the Black Legend on the colonial culture.
RODRIGUEZ MOÑINO, Antonio
1959 "Pedro Mexia de Ovando, cronista de linajes coloniales. Andanzas inquisitoriales de la Ovandina (1621-1626)", in Relieves de erudicion (De Amadis a Goya). Estudios literarios y bibliograficos. Madrid: Editorial Castalia, p.229-256.
Study on the famous process against Pedro Mexia de Ovando's work. It publishes the reports ("calificaciones") written by the inquisitorial qualifiers.
SANCHEZ, Luis Alberto
1973 La Literatura peruana. Derrotero para una historia cultural del Peru. Lima: P. L.Villanueva.
General survey on the development of Peruvian literature since the colonial periods. In spite of its traditional perspective of analysis and lack of documental support, it contains some interesting ideas.
TORRE REVELLO, Jose
1932 "Libros procedentes de expurgos en poder de la Inquisicion de Lima en 1813", Boletin del Instituto de Investigaciones Historicas (Buenos Aires), XV-54, October-December, p.329-351.
The author reproduces an inventory of forbidden books collected by the Holy Office in the final period of its existence. It is an excellent source to know the kind of literature read by Lima readers.
1940 La Imprenta, el libro y el periodismo en America durante 1a dominacion española. Buenos Aires.
An excellent study of the history of books and printing presses in Colonial Latin America. Valuable documents are reproduced in the Appendix.